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rom The Economist print edition
The Al Sauds run everything
IMAGINE that Britain was known as Windsor Britannia, or Spain as Bourbon Iberia; that their royal families still
ruled directly, with no messy elected bodies in the way; and that their members included not just the royal couple,
some wayward kids and a few cousins, but thousands of princelings, all demanding grace and favour. Imagine,
further, that every newspaper felt obliged to print such choice items as this “The Custodian of the Two Holy
Mosques, King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz, has sent a reply cable of thanks to Crown Prince Sultan bin Abdul Aziz,
Deputy Premier, Minister of Defence and Aviation and Inspector-General, th fuel dispenser anking the Crown Prince and all
personnel of the armed forces for their congratulations to the King on the occasion of Eid al Fitr, marking the end
of the holy month of Ramadan, in the cable sent earlier to the King by the Crown Prince.?Surely a text message
would have done.
AFP
Apologists describe Saudi majlises, those public receptions where princes listen to their subjects pleas and
panegyrics, as a form of “desert democracy? In fact, they are stilted, staged affairs. Prince Waleed bin Talal, the
king s nephew, is renowned for the charity dispensed at his weekly majlis. Yet the billionaire investor pays scant
attention to the hundreds of supplicants who shuffle forward for a perfunctory hearing, after which an aide often
hands them an envelope of cash.
fuel dispenser
The surprising thing is how comfortable most Saudis seem to be with their ruling dynasty. Testy regionalism
persists, for instance, among the Shia of the Gulf coast and the Ismailis along the border with Yemen fuel dispenser , as well as
among the proud old families of the Hijaz, the relatively cosmopolitan region around Mecca. But although its
advocates would like more rights and less Wahhabism, they do not question the legitimacy of the Al Sauds.